Saco-Indonesia.com - Seorang Bill Gates dan istrinya, Melinda Gates, percaya bahwa negara miskin dapat keluar dari kemiskinan.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Seorang Bill Gates dan istrinya, Melinda Gates, percaya bahwa negara miskin dapat keluar dari kemiskinan. Ia memprediksi tak akan ada lagi negara miskin di dunia pada tahun 2035.

Dalam surat tahunan Yayasan Bill dan Melinda Gates setebal 25 halaman, ia menepis mitos yang mengatakan bahwa negara miskin akan tetap miskin, dan tidak bisa menjadi kaya.

"Negara-negara miskin tidak ditakdirkan untuk tetap miskin. Beberapa negara yang disebut negara berkembang sudah benar-benar dikembangkan," kata Gates dalam sebuah catatan yang dipublikasi Selasa, (21/1/2014).

Argumen Gates mengenai negara miskin didasari atas klasifikasi Bank Dunia tentang negara-negara berpenghasilan rendah —disesuaikan dengan inflasi. Bank Dunia menetapkan garis kemiskinan dengan penghasilan sebesar 1,25 dollar AS per kapita per hari.

"Saya cukup optimis tentang ini dan karena itu saya bersedia membuat prediksi. Pada 2035, hampir tak ada negara-negara miskin yang tersisa di dunia."

Pendiri perusahaan teknologi Microsoft ini berpendapat, sebuah negara akan belajar dari negara tetangganya yang paling produktif tentang manfaat inovasi seperti vaksin baru, bibit yang baik, dan revolusi digital.

"Dengan ukuran apa pun, dunia akan menjadi lebih baik dari sebelumnya. Umur seseorang lebih panjang, hidup dengan sehat. Tingkat kemiskinan ekstrim telah dipotong setengahnya dalam 25 tahun terakhir. Kematian anak menurun. Banyak negara penerima bantuan yang sekarang sudah mandiri," lanjutnya.

Pandangan ini akan disampaikan Gates dalam Forum Ekonomi Dunia, pada 22 sampai 25 Januari 2014 di Davos, Swiss, yang juga akan dihadiri pemerintah serta pengusaha dari berbagai negara.

Sumber: CNBC/kompas.com
Editor : Maulana Lee

    saco-indonesi.com,     I’ve made up my mind,     Don’t need to

    saco-indonesi.com,

    I’ve made up my mind,
    Don’t need to think it over,
    if I’m wrong I am right,
    Don’t need to look no further,
    This ain’t lust,
    i know this is love but,

    If i tell the world,
    I’ll never say enough,
    Cause it was not said to you,
    And thats exactly what i need to do,
    If i’m in love with you,

    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere,
    Or would it be a waste?
    Even If i knew my place should i leave it there?
    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere

    I’d build myself up,
    And fly around in circles,
    Wait then as my heart drops,
    and my back begins to tingle
    finally could this be it

    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere,
    Or would it be a waste?
    Even If i knew my place should i leave it there?
    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere

    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere,
    Or would it be a waste?
    Even If i knew my place should i leave it there?
    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere

    Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) belum juga menunjuk menteri perdagangan pengganti Gita Wirjawan. Ang

saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) belum juga menunjuk menteri perdagangan pengganti Gita Wirjawan. Anggota Komisi VI DPR, Hendrawan Supratikno mengatakan, SBY perlu pertimbangan matang untuk dapat menunjuk pangganti Gita.

"Menteri perdagangan jabatan politis. Karena, telah melibatkan berbagai perjanjian modern, diplomasi internasional, dan perdagangan internasional," kata Hendrawan di Gedung DPR, Jakarta, Selasa (11/2/2014).

Dia juga telah menyinggung mekanisme penunjukan menteri perdagangan yang berlaku selama ini. Menurutnya, siapa pun presidennya posisi menteri perdagangan harus ditempati oleh orang yang telah mendapat persetujuan dari Amerika Serikat.

"Dulu kan siapa pun presidennya, menteri perdagangan harus persetujuan Washington. Itu dulu, enggak tahu kalau sekarang," sambung politikus PDI Perjuangan ini.

Hendrawan juga telah menyarankan, dengan mempertimbangkan efektifitas kerja, hendaknya pengganti Gita diambil dari internal Kementerian Perdagangan.

"Kalau orang baru nanti harus belajar lagi. Bisa dari BKPM. Kalau rutenya BKPM maka Mahendra Siregar yang kuat. Tapi kalau pertanian, yang dianggap sebagai kunci, Bayu Krisna Mukti adalah figur yang cocok. Tapi tentu ini semuanya hak prerogatif presiden," paparnya.

Editor : Dian Sukmawati

CARA : Harga Mesin Ayakan Pasir / Pengayak Pasir adalah merupakan alat tambang yang digunakan khusus untuk menyaring pasir, sepe

CARA : Harga Mesin Ayakan Pasir / Pengayak Pasir adalah merupakan alat tambang yang digunakan khusus untuk menyaring pasir, seperti silica dan lain jenis pasir lainnya. Kalau dulu orang hanya menggunakan cara manual dengan dilakukan oleh 2 orang yang saling berhadapan dengan masing-masing memegang kedua sudut pengayak tersebut sambil digoyang-goyangkan. Tapi sekarang tidak lagi, ayakan pasir atau yang dikenal dalam bahasa bugis dengan Conveyor pasir sudah bisa dijalankan oleh mesin dengan kapasitas yang jauh lebih besar dari yang cara manual.

Sistem kerja mesin ayakan pasir hampir sama dengan cara manual yang dijalankan oleh dua orang pekerja sebagaimana dijelaskan di atas, hanya saja dengan alat modern ini pengerjaannya jauh lebih cepat dan kita tidak perlu repot mengeluarkan tenaga besar untuk mengayak pasir yang bertumpuk, apalagi untuk kebutuhan pertambangan dan bisnis bahan bangunan. Mengapa demikian, karena alat ini dijalankan dengan mesin dengan kecepatan dan hasil produksi yang bisa disetting oleh pemiliknya. Tapi perlu diperhatikan bahwa dalam menjalankan mesin ini harus dengan teknik dan panduan lengkap dari penyedianya agar hasil dan ketahanan mesin bisa dipertahankan untuk jangka waktu yang lebih lama.

Harga Mesin Ayakan Pasir / Pengayak Pasir by Caramaster
Mesin Ayakan Pasir / Pengayak Pasir

Dilihat dari gambar mesin Pengayak Pasir yang anda saksikan di atas sudah memiliki spesifikasi : Belt Conveyor, Vibrating Screener, Roda Pemindahan Lokasi Pengayakan, serta Diesel Genset. Dengan berbagai kelengkapan tersbut maka tentunya akan sangat memudahkan kita dalam mengoperasikannya sebab dapat mobile atau dipindahkan sesuai dengan tempat akan dilakukannya pengayakan pasir

Kelebihan lain dari mesin ini adalah dimana hasil ayak yang dihasilkan bisa seragam besaran butirannya. Dan inilah mungkin yang sangat kita butuhkan dari hasil produksi pasir yang kita usahakan. Selain itu pemakaian listriknya juga cenderung hemat sehingga mengurangi biaya pengeluaran produksi serta tidak cepat habis saat digunakan. Di indonesia sendiri sudah banyak yang memesannya dan bahkan telah membeli dan menggunakan barangnya.

Di pasaran mesin dengan kapasitas seperti yang kami terangkan biasanya dibandrol di kisaran Rp. 120.000.000 (seratus dua puluh jutaan) dengan tambahan spek seperti motor listrik 10 HP, dengan lebar alat pengayak yaitu 1,6 x 4,5 meter untuk menghasilkan hasil penapisan pasir yang banyak sekaligus. Dan untuk mengantisipasi jika disekitar mesin tidak ditemukan saluran listrik langsung maka dilengkapi juga dengan mesin genset yang bermesin diesel berkekuatan 30 KVA serta tentunya juga untuk memudahkan pemindahan ke berbagai tempat dan medan yang berbeda maka sudah dilengkapi dengan roda ban.

Saco-Indonesia.com — Rumah di Washington, Amerika Serikat, berikut ini tampaknya bisa diterapkan untuk dibangun di daerah rawan bencana di seluruh Indonesia.

Saco-Indonesia.com — Rumah di Washington, Amerika Serikat, berikut ini tampaknya bisa diterapkan untuk dibangun di daerah rawan bencana di seluruh Indonesia. Setidaknya, rumah ini sudah memenuhi standar dan kualifikasi Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA).
Rumah yang dijuluki "Tsunami House" (rumah tsunami) tersebut dirancang sesuai kode bangunan FEMA yang paling ketat dan diklaim sangat aman. Nelson, sang perancang dari Designs Northwest Architects, mengatakan, rumah tersebut penuh dengan hal-hal yang harus dipertimbangkan ketika membangun di daerah berisiko banjir dan gempa.
Proyek ini dimulai pada tahun 2006 dan selesai musim panas lalu. Lokasinya tidak jauh dari tepi laut, Tsunami House berada di zona bencana banjir berkecepatan tinggi. Penduduk yang mendiami kawasan ini diketahui membuka lahan dan memulai proyek Tsunami House sejak 7 tahun silam.
Berbeda dengan rumah darurat yang diperuntukkan korban bencana, Tsunami House justru sangat indah dan memiliki pemandangan memukau, meskipun terletak di daerah rawan bencana, seperti gempa, angin kencang, dan banjir.
Di dalam Tsunami House terdapat ruang-ruang seperti rumah pada umumnya. Hanya saja, di sini penamaan ruang tersebut mengundang senyum. Sebut saja, Kamar Banjir yang berada pada level lebih rendah. Kamar ini dilengkapi dengan dinding yang dirancang sebagai tempat istirahat selama terjadi gelombang air.
"Material Tsunami House seluruhnya terbuat dari bahan tahan air dan dilengkapi dengan furnitur luar ruang tahan lama," ujar Nelson.
Tsunami House disangga oleh sembilan kolom betok dengan tebal 0,6 meter agar air banjir dapat dengan mudah melewati rumah ini. Bagian tersebut merupakan yang terberat dan terkuat dalam menghadapi badai apa pun. Sementara ruang tamu, sesuai dengan Kode FEMA, berada di bagian atas rumah.
Bangunan Tsunami House seluas 207,3 meter persegi yang memiliki ketinggian 9 meter di atas permukaan tanah demi keselamatan.

Sesuai peraturan bangunan FEMA, kamar tidur utama, ruang tamu, ruang makan, dan dapur, semuanya terletak di lantai kedua rumah ini.
Pelapis lantai Tsunami House adalah ubin porselen dengan langit-langit terbuat dari kayu cedar merah, yang menambah cantik suasana.
Di dalamnya terdapat perapian luas yang diatur dengan panel plester yang terinspirasi gelombang banjir. Rumah ini memiliki bukaan besar seperti jendela yang berbingkai aluminium.

Siapa pun penghuni rumah ini akan merasakan kedekatan dengan pantai yang diwakili desir angin, ombak berbisik, kicau burung, dan juga sinar mentari. Seluruh fenomena alam tersebut bisa dinikmati tanpa harus keluar dari rumah yang berada di Camano Island tersebut.

A. Pengertian Ghazwul Fikri (GF)   Ø Secara Bahasa Ghazwul Fikri terdiri dari dua suku kata yaitu Ghazwah d

A. Pengertian Ghazwul Fikri (GF)

Ø Secara Bahasa

Ghazwul Fikri terdiri dari dua suku kata yaitu Ghazwah dan Fikr. Ghazwah berarti serangan, serbuan atau invansi. Sedangkan Fikr berarti pemikiran. Jadi, menurut bahasa Ghazwul Fikri adalah serangan atau serbuan didalam qital (perang) atau Ghazwul Fikri secara bahasa diartikan sebagai invansi pemikiran.

Ø Secara Istilah

Secara istilah, Ghazwul Fikri adalah penyerangan dengan berbagai cara terhadap pemikiran umat islam guna merubah apa yang ada didalamnya sehingga tidak lagi bisa mengeluarkan darinya hal – hal yang benar karena telah tercampur aduk dengan hal – hal yang tidak islami.

B. Makna Invansi Pemikiran (Ghazwul Fikri (GF))

Invansi / serangan pemikiran atau dalam bahasa arab dinamakan ghazwul fikri dan dalam bahasa inggris disebut dengan brain washing, thought control, menticide adalah istilah yang menunjukkan kepada suatu program yang dirancang dan dilaksanakan secara sistematis dan terstruktur oleh musuh – musuh islam untuk melakukan pendangkalan pemikiran dan cuci otak kepada kaum muslimin. Hal ini mereka lakukan agar kaum muslimin tunduk dan mengikuti cara hidup mereka sehingga melanggengkan kepentingan mereka untuk menjajah / mengeksploitasi sumber daya milik kaum muslimin.

C. Kelebihan – Kelebihan Invansi Pemikiran (Ghazwul Fikri (GF))

Invansi pemikiran atau ghazwul fikri (GF) dilakukan oleh para musuh islam dengan pertimbangan – pertimbangan bahwa dibandingkan dengan melakukan peperangan militer atau fisik, maka ghazwul fikri (GF) memiliki kelebihan – kelebihan sebagai berikut :

D. Sejarah Ghazwul Fikri (GF)

Sejarah Ghazwul Fikri (GF) sudah ada setua umur manusia, makhluk yang pertama kali melakukannya adalah iblis laknatullah ketika berkata kepada Adam as., “ Sesungguhnya Allah melarang kalian memakan buah ini supaya kalian berdua tidak menjadi malaikat dan tidak dapat hidup abadi. “ (Q.S.Al – A’Raaf:20)

Dalam perkataannya ini iblis tidak menyatakan bahwa Allah tidak melarang kalian…karena itu akan bertentangan dengan informasi yang telah diterima oleh Adam as., tetapi iblis mengemas dan menyimpangkan makna perintah Allah SWT. Sesuai dengan keinginannya, yaitu dengan menambahkan alas an pelarangan Allah yang dibuat sendiri. Iblis tahu bahwa Adam as tidak punya pengetahuan tentang sebab tersebut. Demikianlah para murid – murid iblis dimasa kini selalu berusaha melakukan ghazwul fikri dengan menyimpangkan fakta dan informasi yang ada sesuai dengan maksud jahatnya. Setan melakukannya dengan cara yang sangat halus dan licin. Akibatnya, hanya orang – orang yang dirahmati Allah SWT yang mampu mengetahuinya.

E. Bidang – Bidang Yang di serang

1. Pendidikan

Pendidikan adalah aspek penting yang menentukan maju atau mundurnya suatu bangsa. Oleh sebab itu, bidang pendidikan merupakan target utama dari ghazwul fikri (GF). Ghazwul fikri (GF) yang dilakukan dibidang pendidikan, diantaranya dengan membuat sedikitnya porsi pendidikan agama di sekolah – sekolah umum (hanya 2 jam sepekan).

Hal ini berdampak fatal pada fondasi agama yang dimiliki oleh para siswa. Dengan lemahnya basis agama mereka, maka terjadilah tawuran, seks bebas pelajar yang meningkatkan AIDS, penyalahgunaan narkoba, vandalism, dan sebagaimananya. Ini adalah dampak jangka pendek.

Sedangkan dampak jangka panjangnya lebih berbahaya, yaitu rendahnya kualitas pemahaman agama para calon pemimpin bangsa dimasa depan. Ghazwul fikri (GF) lainnya dibidang ini adalah pada teknis belajarnya yang campur baur antara pria dan wanita yang jelas tidak sesuai dan banyak menimbulkan pelanggaran terhadap syariat.

2. Sejarah

Sejarah yang diajarkan perlu ditinjau ulang dan disesuaikan dengan semangat islam. Materi tentang sejarah dunia dan ilmu pengetahuan telah ghazwul fikri (GF) habis – habisan sehingga hamper tidak ditemui sama sekali pemaparan tentang sejarah para ilmuan islam dan sumbangannya dalam perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan.

Dalam sejarah yang dibahas hanyalah ilmuan kafir yang pada akhirnya membuat generasi muda menjadi silau dengan tokoh – tokoh kafir dan minder terhadap sejarahnya sendiri. Ketika berbicara tentang sejarah islam, di benak mereka hanyalah terbayang sejarah peperangan dengan pedang dan darah sebagaimana yang selalu digambarkan dalam kaca mata barat.

Hal ini lebih diperparah dengan sejarah nasional dan penamaan perguruan tinggi, gedung – gedung, perlambangan, penghargaan dan pusat ilmu lainnya dengan bahasa Hindu Sanksekerta, sehinga semakin hilanglah mutiara kegemilangan islam dihati para generasi muda.

3. Ekonomi

Ghazwul fikri (GF) yang terjadi dibidang ekonomi adalah konsekuensi dari motto ekonomi yaitu, mencari keuntungan sebesar – besarnya dengan pengorbanan sekecil – kecilnya. Ketika motto ini ditelan habis – habisan tanpa dilakukan filterisasi, maka tidak lagi memperhatikan halal atau haram, yang penting adalah bagaimana supaya untung sebesar – besarnya.

Hal lain yang perlu dicermati dalam system ekonomi kapitalisme, yaitu monopoli, riba dan pemihakan elit kepada para konglomerat. Mengenai monopoli sudah tidak perlu dibahas lagi, cukup jika dikatakan bahwa Amerika Serikat sendiri telah diberlakukan UU anti – trust (bagaimana di Indonesia?). Tentang riba dan haramnya bunga bank rasanya bukan pada tempatnya jika dibahas disini, cukup dikatakan bahwa munculnya dan berkembangnya bank tanpa bunga (bagi hasil), fatwa MUI, fatwa Universita Al Azhar Mesir, kesepakatan para ulama islam dunia membuktikan bahaya bunga bank dan haramnya dalam islam. Tentang keberpihakan kepada para konglomerat, semoga dengan perkembangan era reformasi saat ini dapat diperbaiki.

4. Ilmu Alam dan Sosial

Pada bidang ilmu – ilmu alam, ghazwul fikrii terbesar yang dilakukan adlah dengan dilakukannya sekularisasi antara ilmu pengetahuan dengan ilmu agama. Bahaya lainnya adalah penisbatan teori – teori ilmu pengetahuan kepada para ilmuan tanpa mengembalikannya kepada sang pemberi dan pemilik ilmu, sehingga mengakibatkan kekaguman dan pujian hanya berhenti pada diri para ilmuwan dan tidak bermuara kepada Allah SWT.

Hal lain adalah berkembangnya berbagai teori – teori sesaat yang sebenarnya belum diterima secara ilmiah, tetapi disebarkan secara besar – besaran oleh kelompok – kelompok tertentu untuk menimbulkan keraguan pada agama. Misalnya, teori tentang asal usul makhluk hidup (the origins of species) dari Darwin (yang sebenarnya merupakan kelanjutan dari penemuan Herbert Spencer) yang sebenarnya masih ada the missing link yang belum dapat menghubungkan antara manusia dank era, tapi sudah “ diindoktrinasikan “ kemana – mana. Atau, teori Libido seksualnya Freud, yang menyatakan bahwa jika manusia tidak dibebaskan sebebas – bebasnya keinginan seksualnya akan mengakibatkan terjadinya gangguan kejiwaan. Teori ini sudah dibantah secara ilmiah dan pencetusnya sendiri (Freud) yang terus menggembar – gemborkan kebebasan seksual, ternyata mati karena menderita penyakit kejiwaan (psikopath).

5. Bahasa

Ghazwul fikri (GF) dibidang bahasa adalah dengantidak diajarkannya bahasa Al – Qur’an di sekolah – sekolah karena menganggapnya tidak perlu. Hal yang nampaknya remeh ini sebenarnya sanagt besar akibatnya dan menjadi bencana bagi kaum muslimin Indonesia secara umum. Dengan tidak memahami Al – Qur’an, mayoritas kaum muslimin menjadi tidak mengerti apa kandungan Al – Qur’an, seperti firman Allah dalam surah Al Baqarah:78 artinya “ Dan diantara mereka ada yang buta huruf, tidak mengetahui Al – Kitab (taurat), kecuali dongengan bohong belaka dan mereka hanya menduga – duga “. Akibatnya, Al – Qur’an menjadi sekedar bacaan tanpa arti (Al – Qur’an hanya dinikmati iramanya seperti layaknya lagu – lagu dan nyayian belaka, yang akhirnya ditinggalkan seperti yang disebutkan dalam surah Al Furqaan:30 yang artinya “ Berkata Rasul : Ya tuhanku, sesungguhnya kaumku menjadikan Al – Qur’an ini suatu yang tidak diacuhkan “ dan surah Al Furqaan:31 yang artinya “ Dan seperti itulah, setelah kami adakan bagi tiap – tiap nabi, musuh dari orang – orang yang berdosa dan cukuplah Tuhanmu menjadi pemberi petunjuk dan penolong. “)

Dampak lain dari kebodohan terhadap bahasa Al – Qur’an adalah terputusnya hubungan kaum muslimin dengan perbendaharaan ilmu – ilmu keislaman yang telah disusun dan dibukukan selama hamper 1000 tahun oleh para pakar dan ilmuwan islam terdahulu yang jumlahnya mencapai jutaan judul buku, mencakup bidang – bidang akidah, tafsir, hadist, fiqih, sirah, tarikh, ulumul qur’an, tazkiyyah dan sebagainya.

6. Hukum

Ghazwul fikri (GF) pada aspek hukum adalah penggunaan acuan hukum warisan kolonial yang masih dipertahankan sebagai hukum yang berlaku, reduksi, dan penghapusan hukum Allah SWT dan Rasul – Nya. Rasa takut dan alergi terhadap segala yang berbau syariat islam merupakan keberhasilan ghazwul fikri (GF) dibidang ini. Penggambaran potong tangan bagi pencuri dan rajam bagi penzina selalu ditonjolkan saat pembicaraan – pembicaraan tentang kemungkinan adopsi terhadap beberapa hukum islam. Mereka melupakan bahwa hukum islam berpihak (melindungi) korban kejahatan, sehingga hukuman keras dijatuhkan kepada pelaku kejahatan agar perbuatannya tidak terulang dan orang lain takut untuk berbuat yang sama.

Sebaliknya, hukum barat berpihak (melindungi) pelaku kejahatan, sehingga dengan hukuman tersebut memungkinkannya untuk mengulang lagi kejahatannya karena ringannya hukuman tersebut. Laporan menunjukkan bahwa tingkat perkosaan yang terjadi di Kanada selama sehari sama dengan kejahatan yang sama di Kuwait selama 12 tahun, bahkan pooling yang dilakukan di masyarakat Amerika Serikat menunjukkan bahwa 1 dari 3 masyarakat Amerika Serikat menyetujui dijatuhkannya hukuman mati untuk pemerkosa.

7. Pengiriman pelajar dan mahasiswa ke Luar Negeri

Ghazwul fikri (GF) dibidang ini terjadi dalam dua aspek, yaitu : Brain drain dan Brain Washing. Brain drain adalah pelarian para intelektual dari negara – negara islam ke negara – negara maju karena insentif yang lebih besar dan fasilitas hidup yang lebih mewah bagi para pekerja disana. Hal ini menyebabkan lambatnya pembangunan di negara – negara islam dan semakin cepatnya kemajuan di negara – negara barat.

Data penelitian tahun 1996 menyebutkan bahwa perbandingan SDM bergelar doctor (S3) di Indonesia baru 60 per sejuta penduduk, di Amerika Serikat dan Eropa antara 2500 – 3000 orang per sejuta, dan di Israel mencapai 16.000 per sejuta penduduk.

Sementara brain washing (cuci otak) dialami oleh para intelektual yang sebagian besar berangkat ke negara – negara barat tanpa dibekali dengan dasar – dasar keislaman yang cukup. Akibatnya, mereka pulang dengan membawa pola piker dan perilaku yang bertentangan dengan nilai – nilai islam. Bahkan secara sadar atau tidak, mereka ikut andil dalam membantu melanggengkan kepentingan barat dinegara mereka.

8. Media massa

Berbicara mengenai ghazwul fikri (GF) yang terjadi dalam media massa, maka dapat dipilah pada aspek – aspek sebagai berikut :

· Aspek kehadirannya

Terjadinya perubahan penjadwalan kegiatan sehari – hari dalam keluarga muslim, missal TV. Dulu selepas maghrib, anak – anak biasanya mengaji dan belajar agama. Sekarang, selepas maghrib anak – anak menonton acara – acara TV yang kebanyakan merusak dan tidak bermanfaat. Sementara bagi para remaja dan orang tua dibandingkan dating ke pengajian dan majlis – majlis taklim, mereka lebih senang menghabiskan waktunya dengan menonton TV.

Sebenarnya TV dapat menjadi srana dakwah yang luar biasa (sesuai dengan teori komunikasi yang menyatkan bahwa media audio – visual memiliki pengaruh yang tertinggi dalam membentuk kepribadian baik pada tingkat individu maupun masyarakat) asal dikemas dan dirancang sesuai dengan nilai – nilai islam.

· Aspek isinya

Berbicara mengenai isi yang ditampilkan oleh media massa yang merupakan produk ghazwul fikri (GF) diantaranya adalah mengenai penokohan – penokohan atau orang – orang yang diidolakan. Media massa yang ada tidak berusaha ikut mendidik bangsa dan masyarakat dengan menokohkan para ulama, ilmuwan, dan orang – orang yang dapat mendorong membangun bangsa agar mencapai kemajuan IMTAK dan IPTEK sebagaimana yang digembar – gemborkan. Tetapi sebaliknya, justru tokoh yang terus menerus diekspos dan ditampilkan adalah para selebriti yang menjalankan gaya hidup borjuis, menghambur – hamburkan uang (tabdzir), jauh dari memiliki IPTEK apalagi nilai – nilai agama.

Hal ini jelas besar dampaknya pada generasi muda dalam memilih dan menentukan gaya hidup, cita – citanya dan tentunya pada kualitas bangsa dan Negara. Rpoduk lain dari ghazwul fikri (GF) yang menonjol dalam media TV, misalnya porsi film – film islami yang dapat dikatakan tidak ada. Film yang diputar 90% adalah film bergaya barat, sisanya adalah film nasional (yang juga bergaya barat), film – film mandarin, dan film – film india.

F. Sasaran dilakukannya Invansi Pemikiran (Ghazwul Fikri (GF))

Sasaran dari ghazwul fikri (GF) adalah sebagai berikut :

1. Agar kaum muslimin menjadi condong sedikit terhadap gaya, perilaku dan pola pikir barat, seperti dalam Q.S. Al Israa:73 yang artinya “ Dan sesungguhnya mereka hampir memalingkan kamu dari apa yang telah kami wahyukan kepadamu, agar kamu membuat yang lain secara bohong terhadap kami, dan kalau sudah begitu tentulah mereka mengambil kamu jadi sahabat yang setia. “ Q.S. Al Israa:74 yang artinya “ Dan kalau kami tidak memperkuatkan (hati)mu, niscaya kamu hampir condong sedikit kepada mereka.” Q.S. Al Israa:75 yang artinya “ Kalau terjadi demikian, benar – benarlah kami akan rasakan kepadamu (siksaan) berlipat – lipat ganda didunia ini dan begitu (pula siksaan) berlipat ganda sesudah mati, dan kamu tidak akan mendapat seorang penolongpun terhadap kami.” Dan Q.S.Al Israa:76 yang artinya “ Dan sesungguhnya benar – benar mereka hamper membuatmu gelisah di negeri (mekah) untuk mengusirmu daripadanya dan kalau terjadi demikian, niscaya sepeninggalmu mereka tidak tinggal sebentar saja.”

2. Setelah kaum muslimin condong sedikit, tahapan selanjutnya adalah agar kaum muslimin mengikuti sebagian dari gaya, perilaku dan pola pikir mereka. Sebagaimana disebutkan dalam Q.S.Ad Dukhan:25 yang artinya “ Alangkah banyaknya taman dan mata air yang mereka tinggalkan.” Dan Q.S.Ad Dukhan:26 yang artinya “ Dan kebun – kebun serta tempat – tempat yang indah – indah.”

3. Pada tahap ini diharapkan kaum muslimin beriman pada sebagiannya ayat – ayat Al – Qur’an dan Hadist Rasulullah SAW, tetapi kafir terhadap sebagian yang lainnya. Sebagaimana dalam Q.S.Al Baqarah:85 yang artinya “ Kemudian kamu (bani israil) membunuh dirimu (saudaramu sebangsa) dan mengusir segolongan dari pada kamu dari kampong halaman. Kamu bantu membantu terhadap mereka dengan membuat dosa dan permusuhan tetapi jika mereka dating kepadamu sebagai tawanan, kamu tebus mereka. Padahal mengusir itu (juga) terlarang bagimu. Apakah kamu beriman pada sebagian Al Kitab(taurat) dan ingkar terhadap sebagian yang lain? Tiadalah balasan bagi orang yang berbuat demikian dari padamu, melainkan kenistaan dalam kehidupan dunia, dan pada hari kiamat mereka dikembalikan kepada siksa yang sangat berat, Allah tidak lengah dari apa yang kamu perbuat.”

4. Pada tahap akhir, mereka menginginkan agar generasi kaum muslimin mengikuti syahwat dan meninggalkan shalat. Sebagaimana dalam Q.S.Maryam:59 yang artinya “ Maka datanglah sesudah mereka, pengganti (yang jelek) yang menyia – nyiakan shalat dan memperturutkan hawa nafsu, maka mereka akan menemui kesesatan.”

G. Tujuan Ghazwul Fikri (GF)

1. Menghambat kemajuan umat islam agar tetap menjadi pengekor barat. Berbagai macam pendapat nyeleneh yang ditebarkan para orientalis lewat media cetak dan elektronik berhasil menyita perhatian umat islam dan mengetuk sebagian besar potensinya,baik untuk melakukan kajian, bantahan dan pelurusan.

2. Menjauhkan umat islam dari Al – Qur’an dan As Sunnah serta ajaran – ajarannya. Dengan keraguan – raguan dan penyesatan terhadap umat islam, ghazwul fikri (GF) menyeret orang – orang awam ke jurang yang memisahkan mereka dari keislaman – Nya. Bahkan ada sebagian yang keluar dari islam dan berpindah ke agama lain.

3. Memurtadkan umat islam. Inilah yang digambarkan Al – Qur’an dalam Surah Al Baqarah:217 yang artinya “ Mereka tidak henti – hentinya memerangi kamu sampai mereka (dapat) mengembalikan kamu dari agamamu (kepada kekafiran), seandainya mereka sanggup. Barangsiapa yang murtad diantara kamu dari agamanya, lalu dia mati dalam kekafiran, maka mereka itulah sia – sia amalannya di dunia dan akhirat, dan mereka itulah penghuni neraka, mereka kekal didalamnya.”

H. Dampak Positif dan Negatif Gahzwul Fikri (GF)

Ø Dampak Positif dari Ghazwul Fikri (GF)

Kemajuan ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi yang mempermudah memberikan pekerjaan pada manusia yang ada di Negara ini.

Ø Dampak Negatif dari Ghazwul Fikri (GF)

- Perusakan akhlak umat islam terutama yang masih berusia muda.

- Berusaha menggiring umat islam kepada kekafiran, khususnya umat islam yang tipis pemahaman keislamannya.

- Menjauhkan umat islam dari agamanya dan mendekatkannya pada kekafiran.



* tentang ini saya meempunyai pertanyaan : bolehkah Islam Menggunakan Cara Ini Untuk Mengebngkan Islam?
kepada pembaca yang budiman, mohon jawabannya melalui komentar.
terimakasih untuk admin
 

Untuk mengontrol suatu proses, dibutuhkan informasi mengenai kuantitas dan kualitas ciri-ciri fisik proses itu. Instrumen-instru

Untuk mengontrol suatu proses, dibutuhkan informasi mengenai kuantitas dan kualitas ciri-ciri fisik proses itu. Instrumen-instrumen ukur dipakai untuk mendapatkan informasi ini. Kontrol yang lebih ketat membutuhkan pengukuran yang lebih akurat. Beberapa istilah yang lazim dipakai dalam system pengukuran adalah proves variable, range, zero, span, error, linearitas, akurasi. Sekarang akan kita bahas masing masing dari istilah diatas.

1. Proses Variabel
Proses variabel adalah besaran phisik atau besaran kimia karena berbagai pengaruh proses. Tekanan, temperature, flow dan level adalah variabel phisik; sedangkan kandungan oksigen dan nilai pH adalah variabel-variabel kimia.
2. Range
Range adalah mengambarkan batasan sinyal yang berhubungan dengan instrumen input ataupun instrumen output. Batasan sinyal terendah dari suatu sinyal input adalah kuantitas instrumen terendah yang diukur, sedang batasan maksimumnya adalah nilai tertinggi. Sebagai contoh, suatu proses mempunyai batas atau range tekanan dari 100 kPa sampai 500 kPa. Maka alat instrumenasi proses ini tidak dapat digunakan untuk mengukur nilai dibawah 100 kPa atau diatas 500 kPa.
3. Zero
Nilai terendah suatu sinyal input atau sinyal output disebut zero, meskipun nilainya tidak nol. Sebagi contoh, range input transmiter tekanan mungkin 0 – 1000 kPa sedang range outputnya 20 sampai 100 kPa. Dari sini, nilai zero sinyal output digambarkan dengan 20 kPa. Transmiter temperatur dapat mengukur temperatur anatara 50oC dan 120 oC, sedang nilai outputnya bervariasi dari 20 sampai 100 kPa. Dalam hal ini, nilai zero pada range input dan output masing-masing adalah 50 oC dan 20 kPa.
4. Span
Span input dan output dari suatu instrumen berhubungan langsung dengan range input ataupun range outputnya. Span adalah selisih aljabar antara nilai range teratas dengan nilai range terendah.
5. Error
Error adalah selisih antara nilai yang diukur dengan nilai yang sebenarnya. Sebagai contoh, jika pressure gage menunjukkan 216 kPa ketika tekananya nyatanya 220 kPa, maka errornya adalah – 4kPa.
6. Linieritas
Linieritas menggambarkan kedekatan hubungan antara input dengan output dari suatu instrument yang digambarkan seperti sebuah garis lurus ; hal tersebut adalah, sebuah gris lusrus dari 0% input dan 0% output sampai 100% input dan 100% output. Jika hubungan ini menyimpang maka timbul ketidak linieran. Ketidak linieran output biasanya dinyatakan dalam persentase skala penuh atau full scale output.
7. Akurasi
Akurasi dari sebuah instrumen dapat didefinisikan sebagai kedekatan antara pengukuran atau output yang menggambarkan nilai nyata. Akurasi biasanya dinyatakan dengan persentase span.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Coba buka pikiran Anda jika masih berpikir bahwa tanaman yang berpendar dan memancarkan cahaya hanya ada dalam film-film fiksi ilmiah.

Saco-Indonesia.com - Coba buka pikiran Anda jika masih berpikir bahwa tanaman yang berpendar dan memancarkan cahaya hanya ada dalam film-film fiksi ilmiah. Bioglow, sebuah perusahaan asal Amerika Serikat yang bergerak di bidang bio teknologi dilaporkan tengah mengembangkan tanaman menyala-dalam-gelap.

Dengan kata lain, suatu saat, Anda tidak memerlukan lampu untuk menerangi taman. Bahkan lebih jauh lagi, menerangi bumi.

 TRANSFORMASI OLAH DATA ORDINAL MENJADI INTERVAL Data yang dikumpulkan mahasiwa ketika akan membuat tugas akhir, selain da

 TRANSFORMASI OLAH DATA ORDINAL MENJADI INTERVAL
Data yang dikumpulkan mahasiwa ketika akan membuat tugas akhir, selain data sekunder diantaranya adalah data primer. Data sekunder adalah data yang diperoleh dari catatan-catatan atau informasi tertulis dari perusahaan, serta data-data lain yang terdokumentasi dengan baik dan valid. Sedangkan data primer adalah data yang direspon langsung oleh responden berdasarkan wawancara ataupun daftar pertanyaan yang dirancang, disusun, dan disajikan dalam bentuk skala, baik nominal, ordinal, interval maupun ratio oleh mahasiswa ketika membutuhkan data demi kepentingan penelitian.

Teknik pengumpulan data seperti ini lazim digunakan karena selain bisa langsung menentukan skala pengukuranya, akan tetapi juga bisa melengkapi hasil wawancara yang dilakukan dengan responden.

Skala pengukuran yang dibuat oleh mahasiswa sebaiknya dibuat sedemikian rupa, mengikuti kaidah, sehingga akan memudahkan pemilihan teknik analisis yang akan digunakan ketika pengumpulan datanya sudah selesai.

Catatan: Artikel ini membahas bagaimana transformasi dari data ordinal ke interval, sedangkan untuk transformasi data dalam keperluan untuk memenuhi asumsi klasik, baca artikel kami yang berjudul "Transformasi Data"

Dalam studi empiris, misalnya saja mahasiswa ingin menggunakan statistika parametrik dengan analisis regresi untuk menganalisis dan mengkaji masalah-masalah penelitian. Pemilihan analisis model ini ini hanya lazim digunakan bila skala pengukuran yang yang dilakukan adalah minimal interval. Sedangkan teknik pengumpulan data yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa sudah dilakukan dengan menggunakan skala pengukuran nominal (atau ordinal).

Menghadapi situasi demikian, salah satu cara yang dilakukan adalah menaikkan tingkat pengukuran skalanya dari ordinal menjadi interval. Melakukan manipulasi data dengan cara menaikkan skala dari ordinal menjadi interval ini, selain bertujuan untuk tidak melanggar kelaziman, juga untuk mengubah agar syarat distribusi normal bisa dipenuhi ketika menggunakan statistika parametrik.

Menurut Sambas Ali Muhidin dan Maman Abdurahman, “salah satu metode transformasi yang sering digunakan adalah metode succesive interval (MSI)”. Meskipun banyak perdebatan tentang metode ini, diharapkan pemikiran ini bisa melengkapi wacana mahasiswa ketika akan melakukan analisis data berkenaan dengan tugas-tugas kuliah.

Sebelum melanjutkan pembahasan tentang bagaimana transformasi data ordinal dilakukan, tulisan ini sedikit membahas tentang dua perbedaan pendapat tentang bagimana skor-skor yang diberikan terhadap alternatif jawaban pada skala pengukuran Likert yang sudah kita kenal. Pendapat pertama mengatakan bahwa skor 1, 2, 3, 4, dan 5 adalah data interval. Sedangkan pendapat yang kedua, menyatakan bahwa jenis skala pengukuran Likert adalah ordinal. Alasannya skala Likert merupakan Skala Interval adalah karena skala sikap merupakan dan menempatkan kedudukan sikap seseorang pada kesatuan perasaan kontinum yang berkisar dari sikap “sangat positif”, artinya mendukung terhadap suatu objek psikologis terhadap objek penelitian, dan sikap “sangat negatif”, yang tidak mendukung sama sekali terhadap objek psikologis terhadap objek penelitian.

Berkenaan dengan perbedaan pendapat terhadap skor-skor yang diberikan dalam alternatif jawaban dalam skala Likert itu, apakah termasuk dalam skala pengukuran ordinal atau data interval, berikut ini kami mneyampaikan pemikiran yang bisa dijadikan pertimbangan: Ciri spesifik yang dimiliki oleh data yang diperoleh dengan skala pengukuran ordinal, adalah bahwa, data ordinal merupakan jenis data kualitatif, bukan numerik, berupa kata-kata atau kalimat, seperti misalnya sangat setuju, kurang setuju, dan tidak setuju, jika pertanyaannya ditujukan terhadap persetujuan tentang suatu event. Atau bisa juga respon terhadap keberadaan suatu Bank “PQR” dalam suatu daerah yang bisa dimulai dari sangat tidak setuju, tidak setuju, ragu-ragu, Setuju, dan sangat setuju.

Sementara data interval adalah termasuk data kuantitatif, berbentuk numerik, berupa angka, bukan terdiri dari kata-kata, atau kalimat. Mahasiswa yang melakukan penelitian dengan menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif, termasuk di dalamnya adalah data interval, data yang diperoleh dari hasil pengumpulan data bisa langsung diolah dengan menggunakan model statistika. Akan tetapi data yang diperoleh dengan pengukuran skala ordinal, berbentuk kata-kata, kalimat, penyataan, sebelum diolah, perlu memberikan kode numerik, atau simbol berupa angka dalam setiap jawaban.

Misalnya saja alternatif jawaban pada skala Likert, alternatif jawaban “sangat tidak setuju” diberi skor 1; “ tidak setuju diberi skor 2; “ragu-ragu” diberi skor 3; “setuju” diberi kode 4; dan “sangat setuju” diberi skor 5. angka-angka (numerik) inilah yang kemudian diolah, sehingga menghasilkan skor tertentu. Tetapi, sesuai dengan sifat dan cirinya, angka 1, 2, 3, 4, dan 5 atau skor yang sudah diperoleh tidak memberikan arti apa-apa terhadap objek yang diukur. Dengan kata lain, skor yang lebih tinggi lebih tidak berarti lebih baik dari skor yang lebih rendah. Skor 1 hanya menunjukkan sikap “sangat tidak setuju”, skor 2 menunjukkan sikap “tidak setuju, skor 3 menunjukkan sikap “ragu-ragu’, skor 4 menunjukkan sikap “setuju”, dan skor 5 menunjukkan sikap “sangat setuju”. Kita tidak bisa mengatakan bahwa skor 4 atau “setuju” dua kali lebih baik dari skor 2 atau “tidak setuju”.

Fenomena ini berbeda sekali dengan sifat/ciri yang dimiliki oleh data interval, dimana angka-angka atau skor-skor numerik yang diperoleh dari hasil pengukuran data langsung dapat dibandingkan antara satu dengan lainnya, dikurangkan, dijumlahkan, dibagi dan dikalikan. Misalnya saja penelitian yang dilakukan mahasiswa tentang suhu udara beberapa kelas, dan diperoleh data misalnya suhu ruangan kelas A 15 derajat Cls, suhu ruang kelas B 20 derajat Cls, dan suhu ruang kelas C 25 derajat Cls. Berarti bahwa suhu ruang kelas A adalah 75 % lebih dingin dari suhu ruang kelas B. Suhu ruang kelas A 60 % lebih dingin dari suhu ruang kelas C. Suhu ruang kelas A lebih dingin dari suhu ruang kelas B dan C. Atau suhu ruangan kelas B lebih panas dari suhu ruang kelas A, tetapi lebih dingin dibandingkan dengan suhu ruangan kelas C. Contoh lain misalnya prestasi mahasiswa yang diukur dengan skala indek prestasi mahasiswa.

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

The neighborhood where Freddie Gray came of age has survived harrowing rates of unemployment, poor health, violent crime and incarceration.

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video

Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”