Anda Mencari Biro Jasa Konsultan ISO 9001 di Tulang Bawang Kami Solusinya Hubungi : 0857 1027 2813 konsultaniso9001.net adalah Jasa Konsultan ISO 9001, Consultant ISO 14001, Konsultan ISO 22000, OHSAS 18001, Penyusunan Dokumen CSMS-K3LL, K3, ISO/TS 16949,Dll yang BERANI memberikan JAMINAN KELULUSAN & MONEYBACK GUARANTEE ( Tanpa Terkecuali ) yang tertuang dalam kontrak kerja. Sebagai Konsultan ISO dan HSE TERBAIK dan BERPENGALAMAN kami siap membantu perusahaan bapak dan ibu dalam membangun sistem manajemen ISO dan HSE dengan pendekatan yang sistematis tanpa ribet dengan tujuan bagaimana sistem ISO tersebut bisa bermanfaat bagi perkembangan perusahaan serta menjadi pondasi yang kuat untuk kemajuan perusahaan.
Biro Jasa Konsultan ISO 9001 di Tulang Bawang Melalui berbagai TRAINING ISO yang diselenggarakan menggunakan Metode Accelerated Learning, sehingga Karyawan Dipacu untuk lebih aktif dalam pembelajaran sehingga dapat menerapkan Sistem ini dengan Baik Nantinya. Biro Jasa Konsultan ISO 9001 di Tulang Bawang
Konsultasi MLC Terbaik dan Berpengalaman di Solok | Hubungi : 0857 1027 2813 PT Bintang Solusi Utama adalah Jasa Konsultan ISO 9001, Consultant ISO 14001, Konsultan ISO 22000, OHSAS 18001, Penyusunan Dokumen CSMS-K3LL, K3, ISO/TS 16949,Dll yang BERANI memberikan JAMINAN KELULUSAN & MONEYBACK GUARANTEE ( Tanpa Terkecuali ) yang tertuang dalam kontrak kerja. Sebagai Konsultan ISO dan HSE TERBAIK dan BERPENGALAMAN kami siap membantu perusahaan bapak dan ibu dalam membangun sistem manajemen ISO dan HSE dengan pendekatan yang sistematis tanpa ribet dengan tujuan bagaimana sistem ISO tersebut bisa bermanfaat bagi perkembangan perusahaan serta menjadi pondasi yang kuat untuk kemajuan perusahaan. Konsultasi MLC Terbaik dan Berpengalaman di Solok
WISATA MUSLIM CHINA
MQ Travel mengadakan Wisata Muslim China (9 hari 8 malam) pada 20-28 Desember 2013
Rute: BEIJING – SHANGHAI – HANGZ
MQ Travel mengadakan Wisata Muslim China (9 hari 8 malam) pada 20-28 Desember 2013
Rute: BEIJING – SHANGHAI – HANGZHOU – SUZHOU
Hari 1 Jakarta – Beijing , 20 Desember 2013
Penerbangan dengan GA 890 Pk. 22.45 WIB.
Hari 2 Beijing, 21 Desember
Tiba di Beijing sekitar Pk.06.55 | kunjungan ke Lapangan Tiananmein yang merupakan alun-alun kota terbesar di dunia, berbatasan dengan Aula Besar Rakyat dan Mausoleum Ketua Mao, dilanjutkan tour ke Kota Terlarang, kompleks kekaisaran istana dan Sholat Dzuhur dan Ashar bersama di Mesjid Nan Dou Ya.
Hari 3 Beijing, 22 Desember 2013
Perjalanan ke Tembok China | Kunjungan ke Museum Giok dan belanja di Burning Cream Center, Stadion Olimpiade | Berbelanja di Wang Fu Jing Shooping Street dan Pasar Makanan.
Hari 4 Beijing, 23 Desember 2013
Kunjungan ke Istana Musim Panas, Masjid Madian | dilanjutkan berbelanja di pasar lokal Pasar Xiushui.
Hari 5 Beijing – Shanghai, 24 Desember 2013
Perjalanan ke Shanghai menggunakan kerta api cepat (high speed railway-5,5 jam) | Kunjungan ke Masjid Xiaotaoyuan yang merupakan mesjid paling terkenal di Shanghai dan Oriental Pearl TV Tower (menara TV tertinggi di Asia dan tertinggi ketiga di dunia) | ditutup dengan program Huang Pu River Cruise, makan malam sambil menyusuri sungai.
Hari 6 Shanghai – Hangzhou, 25 Desember 2013
Perjalanan dengan bus ke Hangzhou mengunjungi Leifeng Pagoda, Changqiao Park, Phoenix Mosque, and Ming & Qing Dynasty Ancient Street.
Hari 7 Hangzhou – Suzhou, 26 Desember 2013
Sampai di Suzhou mengunjungi West Lake, Viewing Fish and Lotus Ponds at Flower Harbor | Kunjungan ke Well Tea Village (kampong teh)
Hari 8 Suzhou – Shanghai, 27 December 2013
Masih di Suzhou: kunjungan ke Ou Yuan Garden, The Jinji Lake Scenic Area from outside | Perjalanan ke Shanghai, kunjungan ke Oriental Pearl TV Tower (the 2nd Ball) dan Old Shanghai History Museum.
Hari 9 Shanghai – Jakarta , 28 December 2013
Kembali ke Jakarta dengan GA 895 Pk. 10.05 waktu lokal. Diperkirakan tiba di Jakarta jam 15.25 WIB.
Hotel Twin/Triple Sharing Single Supplement
4 Star USD 1,825 / pax (Adult)
USD 1,700 / pax (Child with Bed)
USD 1,650 / pax (Child no Bed) USD180 / pax
HOTEL YANG DIGUNAKAN :
Beijing: Rosedale Hotel (www.longdinghuahotel.com) atau setaraf
Shanghai: Holiday Inn Express Zhabei (www.holidayinn.com) atau setaraf
Hangzhou: Hotel Amethyst (www.zjzjhotel.com) atau setaraf
HARGA SUDAH TERMASUK:
1. Tiket pesawat menggunakan Garuda Airline (economy class) pp
2. Sudah termasuk Visa Cina dan Air port tax
3. Hotel, makan 3x sehari (Halal Food)
HARGA BELUM TERMASUK:
1. Tour tambahan dan Asuransi
2. Pengeluaran yang bersifat pribadi, seperti minuman, souvenir, panggilan telepon,dll
3. Tips untuk supir dan guide (US2.00/ hari/pax untuk guide , US1.00/hari/pax untuk supir.
INFORMASI & PENDAFTARAN
PT. MANAJEMEN QOLBU TAUHIID (MQ TRAVEL)
Jl. CIPAKU NO. 18, KEBAYORAN BARU, JAKARTA 12170
Telepon: +62-21-7235255; HP: 0838 20201111; 02193151617 Fax. +62-21-7235258,
E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org, website: www.mqtravel.co.id
KBIH DAARUT TAUHIID BANDUNG
JL. GEGER KALONG GIRANG
CP: LUKMAN – 0815 7113700
*Jadwal sewaktu-waktu dapat berubahan tanpa mengurangi waktu dan tempat tujuan yang dikunjungi
saco-indonesia.com, Sekretaris Jenderal Partai Golkar Idrus Marham telah memenuhi panggilan penyidik Komisi Pemberantasan Korups
saco-indonesia.com, Sekretaris Jenderal Partai Golkar Idrus Marham telah memenuhi panggilan penyidik Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK). Idrus datang sekitar pukul 08.30 WIB.
Dengan mengenakan baju batik putih, Idrus menolak berkomentar saat wartawan mencecar pertanyaan. Mantan anggota DPR itu langsung masuk ke dalam Gedung KPK, dengan mengisi daftar hadir di meja resepsionis.
Idrus juga akan diperiksa sebagai saksi dalam kasus dugaan suap penanganan sengketa Pilkada di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Idrus telah menjadi saksi untuk tersangka Akil Mochtar, mantan Ketua MK.
Belum dapat diketahui apa kaitannya Idrus dipanggil sebagai saksi dalam kasus ini. Selain Idrus, sebenarnya penyidik juga memanggil Setya Novanto, Bendahara Umum Partai Golkar.
Berdasarkan informasi yang dihimpun, keduanya akan ditanya soal sengketa Pilkada di Jawa Timur.
Dalam kasus Akil sendiri, sejumlah pejabat negara telah ditetapkan sebagai tersangka. Yakni Gubernur Banten Ratu Atut Chosiyah, adiknya Atut, Tubagus Chaeri Wardana alias Wawan, pengacara Wawan bernama Susi Tur Andayani, anggota DPR Chairunnisa, Bupati terpilih Gunung Mas Kalimantan Tengah Hambit Bintih. Akil diduga menerima pemberian hadiah atau janji terkait kepengurusannya dalam Ketua MK.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds
Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.
The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.
Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.
The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.
Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.
The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.
Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.
Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.
One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.
Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.
Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.
The nationwide poll was conducted from April 30 to May 3 on landlines and cellphones with 1,027 adults, including 793 whites and 128 blacks. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus three percentage points for all adults, four percentage points for whites and nine percentage points for blacks. See the full poll here.
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”