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Jasa Pembuatran Website Dan SEO   Search Engine Optimization adalah proses optimasi sebuah situs web agar

Jasa Pembuatran Website Dan SEO

Semakin tinggi peringkat sebuah situs web pada hasil pencarian search engine, semakin tinggi jumlah pengunjung yang datang dan itu berarti semakin besar peluang untuk terjadinya penjualan pada situs web tersebut. 85% pengguna search engine mengklik dari hasil hasil pencarian organic. Untuk itu situs web Anda harus berada pada posisi 20 teratas, dan sebaiknya di posisi 10 teratas pada hasil pencarian search engine. Perlu diketahui bahwa sekitar 90% dari pengguna tidak melanjutkan lebih dari halaman ke-2 pada hasil pencarian search engine.
 

1. OPTIMIZATION AUDIT

Untuk memulai, kami melakukan audit pada situs web Anda untuk mengidentifikasi hal-hal yang membutuhkan perbaikan dalam optimasi situs web anda. Hal ini untuk memfokuskan pada strategi yang sesuai, dan memastikan situs web Anda teroptimasi secara maksimal dari strategi jasa SEO kami.

2. COMPETITIVE ANALYSIS

Sejalan dengan audit optimasi, jasa SEO kami juga melakukan analisa kompetisi untuk mengevaluasi peringkat situs web Anda yang berkaitan secara langsung dengan pesaing Anda, dan perencanaan perbaikan untuk mendapatkan peringkat lebih baik dari pesaing Anda.

3. KEYWORD ANALYSIS

Selanjutnya, kami menggunakan sejumlah alat analisa untuk mengidentifikasi target kata kunci yang akan digunakan untuk mendatangkan kunjungan oleh pengunjung yang ditargetkan ke situs web Anda. Kami mencari target kata kunci dengan jumlah pencarian yang tinggi dengan tingkat persaingan yang rendah.

4. SITE OPTIMIZATION

Kami memeriksa struktur dan kode situs web anda, dan merevisi jika diperlukan untuk memperbaiki adanya kesalahan yang menghambat mesin pencari mengindeks situs web anda. Kami akan mengoptimalkan struktur situs web anda, struktur link, dan struktur sitemap untuk meningkatkan 'deep linking' yang akan menghasilkan pengindeksan konten yang lebih teratur oleh spider mesin pencari.

5. USABILITY IMPROVEMENTS

Sebuah situs web yang dioptimalkan untuk mesin pencari hanya berharga apabila Anda dapat mengkonversi kunjungan menjadi pelanggan atau pengunjung melakukan sesuatu sesuai dengan tujuan dari situs web anda. Ini sebabnya kami mengevaluasi keseluruhan fungsi dan kegunaan situs web, dan memperbaikinya agar memudahkan pengguna dalam bernavigasi pada situs web Anda.

6. CONTENT STRATEGY

Dengan menggunakan data dari analisa kata kunci (keyword), kami mengoptimalkan konten secara on-page pada halaman situs sehingga target kata kunci terletak di daerah konten yang paling efektif. Kami bekerja sama dengan Anda untuk mengembangkan strategi pembuatan konten karena faktor utama optimasi adalah konten yang friendly bagi mesin pencari sekaligus mampu menarik perhatian pengunjung situs.

7. BLOG CREATION

Mesin pencari akan melakukan pengindeksan secara lebih teratur apabila sebuah situs web secara aktif melakukan pembaruan dalam konten.
Mesin pencari dapat meningkatkan posisi situs web pada peringkat yang lebih tinggi secara berkala. Ini sebabnya kami merekomendasikan bahwa semua klien kami memiliki sebuah blog pada situs mereka.
Kami dapat membantu anda membuat, mengelola, dan secara berkala mengupdate blog perusahaan secara profesional dengan konten yang menarik.

8. LINK BUILDING

Link Building adalah bagian terpenting dari optimasi mesin pencari.
Mesin pencari seperti Google menganggap incoming link yang mengarah ke situs web Anda sebagai bentuk 'referensi' oleh situs lain. Semakin banyak situs web Anda mendapatkan 'referensi' dari situs lain, search engine menganggap situs Anda penting dan mempunyai otoritas. Jasa SEO kami memfokuskan pada incoming link dari situs-situs yang berkualitas, relevan, dan mempunyai otoritas pada industri yang berkaitan.

9. REAL-TIME MONITORING

Jasa SEO kami menggunakan Google Analytics untuk mengevaluasi efektivitas proses optimasi, dan untuk menganalisa hasil konversi dari sasaran yang ditetapkan.

Kami menganalisa dan memperbaiki bagaimana situs web Anda dapat mengkonversi kunjungan oleh pengunjung menjadi pelanggan Anda.

 

Besarnya beban utang induk perusahaan dan beberapa anak usahanya, memaksa grup Bakrie melepas aset-aset strategisnya.Setelah pekan lalu menjual 10 persen kepemilikan Blok Masela PSC kepada INPEX Masela Ltd dan Shell Upstream Overseas Services (I) Limited untuk melunasi utang, kini Grup Bakrie kembali melepas aset yang dimilikinya.

Besarnya beban utang induk perusahaan dan beberapa anak usahanya, memaksa grup Bakrie melepas aset-aset strategisnya.Setelah pekan lalu menjual 10 persen kepemilikan Blok Masela PSC kepada INPEX Masela Ltd dan Shell Upstream Overseas Services (I) Limited untuk melunasi utang, kini Grup Bakrie kembali melepas aset yang dimilikinya.

Kepastian penjualan ruas tol milik PT Bakrieland Development Tbk (ELTY) akhirnya terungkap ke publik. Dari keterbukaan informasi yang dikutip merdeka.com, Selasa (4/6), Bakrieland Development telah mengumumkan penjualan saham PT Bakrie Toll Road kepada PT Karya Prima Investama (KPI).

Nilainya hanya mencapai Rp 140,475 miliar. Nantinya penjualan ini akan dilaksanakan oleh anak usaha ELTY, PT Bakrie Infrastructure. Akta Penjualan Jual Beli (AJB) saham ini telah ditandatangani 19 April 2013.

"Penjualan ini telah mendapatkan persetujuan dari kreditur sindikasi yaitu PT Semesta Marga Raya," ujar Sekretaris Perusahaan ELTY, Kurniawan Budiaman seperti dikutip dari keterbukaan informasi, Selasa (4/6).

Penyelesaian transaksi ini dilakukan selambat-lambatnya tiga bulan sejak penandatangan AJB tersebut. Namun, dalam keterbukaan informasi itu, tidak diungkap lebih detail mengenai PT Karya Prima Investama. Informasi mengenai perusahaan tersebut juga sangat minim. Belum jelas rekam jejak perusahaan yang membeli aset milik Bakrie tersebut.

padahal, jika melirik sedikit ke belakang, pada akhir tahun lalu berhembus kabar yang menyebutkan bahwa PT Media Nusantara Citra (MNC) berniat membeli lima ruas tol yang dimiliki oleh Bakrie.

Bakrie Toll Road mempunyai konsesi untuk lima ruas jalan tol, yaitu Kanci-Pejagan, Pejagan-Pemalang (Jawa Tengah), Pasuruan-Probolinggo (Jawa Timur), Cimanggis-Cibitung (Jawa Barat), dan Ciawi-Sukabumi (Jawa Barat).

Penjualan tol yang menghubungkan Jawa Barat hingga Jawa Tengah ini diperkirakan bisa meraup dana hingga Rp 2 triliun.

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”